The Regional identity of the Nepali speaking Darjeeling hill population

 

Knowledgeable persons are compiling a comprehensive geopolitical history of Darjeeling District to be submitted (to the Union and State governments during the forthcoming Tripartite in Delhi) along with the draft memorandum demanding statehood – within the provisions of the Indian Constitution. It is stressed again, the comprehensive history requires to be all chronologically detailed, relevant, supportive and the segments inclusive as well as exclusive, to indicate the distinctive characteristics of the Darjeeling hill peoples, demonstrated and illustrated exponentially by underlying factorial traits of backwardness of the majority of the hill population. This phenomenon is the rule than an exception while comparing the hill people ‘in the eyes of other Indians’. The ordinary Indian looks upon the Darjeeling hill people, obviously from Nepal, from where the Indian plains and the metropolis are thronged by the simple, innocent minded but rustic country urchins and land down in the cities of India to elk a meager living and save also a meager sum of money to carry back to their hearth and home in Nepal. This is in fact the mistaken impression implied to the Darjeeling hill peoples, whose ancestors having migrated under similar conditions before 1947, and who now consider India their birthplace and homeland, but inadvertently identified as ethnic Nepali nationals as immigrant labours and as well as migrant settlers, whereas the context to the Darjeeling hill peoples are misidentified. The Darjeeling hill peoples are native citizens of India if residence till 1947, and further guaranteed extension of the cut off date to 1950 under the Indian Citizenship Act in the same year, provided the residence in India for the preceding five years. There is no question of any doubt regarding the Indian Citizenship of ethnic Nepali Indians before 1947. Whereas the same yardstick cannot measure the Indian Citizenship of many ethnic east Bengali migrants to India after 1947 Partition of India, 1950 East Bengali Refugee problem, 1972 Indo Bangladesh War refugee influx and the present spate of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants arising to mammoth proportions which multitude is changing the very demography of the population to a dominant population status of the foreign immigrants. The incident of change is now affecting the very geopolitical stability of Darjeeling District and the adjoining Duars plains land, wherein the status of the native ethnic Nepali speaking Indians comprising both tribes and non-tribes are seen to be converted to a minority status influenced by the ethnic Bengali population majority consisting of Bangladeshi (and former East Pakistan) migrants.                 

One must understand the reference to the term darwan (guardian) even when applied to mean a watchman (the guardian of property) is not at all derogatory, rather honorific in respective appellation linked to the pronounced martial aspects of the mountain people, rather connoting recognition of a sense of physical bravery, civil loyalty and death before honour, but as well considered a simple minded country bumpkin, innocence in kind and spirit, a humble character, in every aspect. Truly speaking, a Zen Buddhist in all regards, Johnny Gurkha. So if the ‘other person’ sees the mountain people as such, it should be seen as a healthy compliment and not otherwise. The ‘other person’ recognizing the valuable identity, needs suitably thanked in compliment, because this sense of recognition is already referred internationally in one single word ‘Gorkha’. This is irrespective of the fact whether the mountain peoples are from Uttarkhand, Nepal, Darjeeling, Sikkim, Bhutan, the northeast or elsewhere in India and in diasporas in different part of the globe.

Whether the word Gorkha composes all the different ethnic variations of communities in nativity to the Darjeeling hills is of common ethnic stock or not, it is irrelevant to define the etymological to the term, as long as the word is recognized respectfully and honorifically, this is the important context. Just as well Prithivinarayan Shah, Gorkha King the first monarch who united Nepal from a complexity of many independent principalities and city states to a common mountainous entity, historically referred since ancient times Nepal (or referred to as Ni-polo by the fifth century Buddhist traveler Huien Tsang thereby assuming the word Nepal existed over a millennium before the advent of the term Gorkha)

Ethnic Nepali Indians should proudly preserve this heritage and least hesitate to refer this context to describe the originality of the present ethnic Indian nationalist, say the GJMM and its inspiring Gurung leader Bimal aspiring to achieve a separate state for his beleaguered Darjeeling hill peoples left in limbo by Subhas Ghissing and the GNLF. In fact it is the reference to the history of the entire length and breadth of the sub-Himalayan mountains and hills that defines in sight and appearance the Indianess of the Darjeeling hill peoples. One should not be affected when the ‘other’ Indian mistakenly identifies the Himalayan hill peoples from  Ladakh in Kashmir to Uttarkhand, then to the country of Nepal and thereon extending to Darjeeling hills, Sikkim, the country of Bhutan to the end of the  borders of Burma, maybe even beyond. The distinct hills, mountains and wind chisel cut face of the hill peoples, is itself the unique distinguished brand, differentiating the various ethnic hill communities inhabiting the sub-Himalayan ranges. Every different community are endowed with their own glorious past, which are detailed fully in textbooks and references which is needless to mention herein.

The Darjeeling hill people have taken shelter under the term is relevant historically, as well as ethnically. Nepali language which is one of the Indian languages recognized as such on the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution provides the Darjeeling hill and those in the rest of India to seek redress, if any, under the provisions of the Indian Constitution. Nepali language although only a ‘lingua franca’ of the tribes of Nepal and those of the Darjeeling hills, is as now, accepted as a component of Indian ethnicity. In fact under the present circumstances, in Nepal, two Madheseys (ethnic Indian Nepalis) electorally representing the southern plains land of Nepal having secured two top executive posts in the new republic, the President and Vice President, thereby clearly exposing the thin line of difference in  the territories of the adjoining border of the two neighbouring countries. The closeness of the two countries has been firmly cemented whether rightly or wrongly by the Indo Nepal Friendship Treaty of 1950, which practically defines the country of Nepal in similar treatment to as a state of the Indian Union. Whether Nepal is appreciative of this equation or not is rhetoric, but considering the new Prime Minister Pushpa Kumar Dahal, Prachanda visited China before the customary first visit to India certainly indicates somewhere the foreign policy of India was overplayed.

The seemingly unseen divide if any existing indicated, was further cemented by the President (a Madhesay) wearing the prevailing courtesan dress code (daura sural) traditionally observed during the last days of the Shah Monarchy, terminated  by the new born Republic. Further to this exposition, the new Prime Minister of Nepal, Prachanda, the supreme leader of the Maoist revolutionaries was conspicuous in the oath taking ceremony, adorning the European dress suit and tie, in place of the Nepali national dress daura sural, was a clear signal of undressing and terminating the autocratic monarchial rule, allowing the freedom to choose, even the dress in the new democratic republic. This single act of Prachanda related to the code of dress, speaks volumes of the free and independent spirit as well as mind of the revolutionaries first premier of Nepal.

Secondly, Prachanda’s dress code in European style was also directed to the anti-ethnic Nepali policy of India who is seen to dilute the native Nepali population by ethnic Indian immigration, seen to change the demographic balance of population by way of external Indian policy to retain Nepali territory as a buffer against the Chinese dragon. But is seen to go beyond creating a buffer state to a irreversible point wherein, the foreign policy of India is seen as territorial expansion akin to the Nepalese apprehension described by the phrase Indianisation of Sikkim. This last question was oft repeated during the live telecast interview of Dr. Mahendra P.Lama, (authority on South Asian Affairs, presently Vice Chancellor of Sikkim University) who replied the question obliquely to deflect the meaning by asserting India is a great country of ethnic and cultural diversity which complexity is finally balanced by the federal unity of the country. Rather an ambiguously deflected answer. The point to note by the GJMM is to realize the implication of the Gorkhaland movement is peculiar to both Nepal and India, and some inferences need to be derived by the present situation unveiling in the bordering country. Needless to stress, the dress code policy of both the Madhesey, President of Nepal flaunting the Nepali daura sural and, the ethnic Nepali Prime Minister donning the European dress needs a deliberative analysis to carry the Gorkhaland movement forward directly in consonance with the foreign policy of India and not otherwise.                  

GJMM leader Bimal Gurung has shown similar qualities as a leader, it is hoped he will maintain the same in the days and years ahead, keeping in mind the likes of Prachanda’s leadership qualities.  Doubtless, Bimal has the qualities, the sincerity of purpose no less than Prachanda to deliver the long standing respite of the Darjeeling hill peoples from the dominating and chauvinistic rule of Bengal, however, provided legally, constitutionally and above all via through the democratic process and as far as practically treading the footprints of Mahatma Gandhi and shedding every form of violence, which, he has experienced and been acquainted with, and its run of the river effect – the GNLF episode.  

Now that GJMM is drafting the end all Memorandum for the Tripartite meet in Delhi, herewith a very important aspect to claim statehood by virtue of historical happenings and written evidences to program, arguments and deliberations with the senior bureaucrats having passed the treadmill test, being pundits of Writers Building and the Union Home Ministry presently.

Just speaking of the Gorkha identity alone will not suffice, rather, it will weaken the arguments for the statehood demand. Instead, GJMM is required to show that Darjeeling hill peoples have been given a raw deal by nefariously changing the political status of Darjeeling district which, lineage was left behind by the British but changed to incorporate Darjeeling into Bengal unsuspected by the earlier generation hill leaders, and the hundred years old demand pending before to attain a statehood for the Darjeeling hills. Although the bureaucrats have juggled Darjeeling district into Bengal, the Govt. of India Acts since 1773 onwards remain witness to the unethical approach in which Darjeeling practically became a part of Bengal when in 1943 elections to the provincial state assembly voted one miserly single representative to represent the hills in the sea  of representatives from the plains of Bengal. Despite the democratic Constitution of the Republic of India this discrimination has been afflicted on the hill people till date, and which now GJMM desires to amend to achieve its designated goal of a separate unit outside Bengal, as a state in the Union of India.

The idea is to show to the country, the Darjeeling hill peoples, although a proud, dignified and loyal ethnic Nepali Indian citizens of India, whose existence are well documented, whether in positive or negative aspect, but has somehow come out shiningly in the prime cause of Indianess, repeat Indianess, whether under British rule or free India – as sons of the soil, whether maintaining law and order in India or defending the borders of the country, while sacrificing their own lives or in adventures of war representing the Indian army in every corner and distribution of the globe. Some mistaken historical concepts may have been preserved in the minds of the Indian physic, but these stray incidents were coincidental and unintended, while its historical controversy if taken to its conclusive end, the implications are found more contextual then expressive or provocative, but more conditional as a reaction to a situation. The code of the hill peoples similar to the Japanese Bushido code is honour or death.  

The chronological depiction of the characteristic of the Darjeeling hill peoples are literatured transparently and expressed if one can only read the various government and administrative acts, provisions and reforms process dating back to the promulgation of the Regulating Act 1773 and thence onwards to pre-Independent India till 1947 and further to post 1950 when the Constitution of India was enshrined. Since then to the present times, the hill peoples are still languishing under the Bengal yoke, and the shackles of the cart to be thrown off the shoulders once and for all, under the auspicious and grace of the Central government, the guardian and preserver of the Constitution of India.

Although the history of the District is ancient as the Himalayan mountains, witnessed none other then by Mount Kanchenjunga and the grandeur it beholds, it was only after the Anglo Nepalese war of 1814 and the Treaty of Sewgouli 1816 onwards, the roadmap was traced for the history of Darjeeling district to be written. This process began with the accession of Darjeeling district to the East India Company in 1835, and which town has risen from a tiny, insignificantly forested land measuring 138 square miles containing a population of 100 heads. In 1850 Dr. Campbell reports 10,000 and in 1869 a figure of 22,000. The first Census of 1872 already the hill population was 94,712 and in 1901 was 2,49,117.

These figures as early as 1901 shows the population and their descendants are Indians by birth right, maybe of ethnic Nepali stock, and as per the provisions 1950 Citizenship Act, Indian citizens. Hence, there is no question at all of raising any question regarding this issue, full stop. Hence it is quite inadvertent at this stage while demanding Gorkhaland to raise the Nepali ‘foreigners’ issue being highlighted by Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh as this will further complicate the matter entangling the statehood issue with the foreign policy of India which the Govt. of India will not appreciate to raise at any point of time while arguing the statehood demand for Darjeeling.              

Whatever the population of Darjeeling at that point of time, the British developed Darjeeling to the status to what it was, the ‘queen of hill stations’ in the world, and to what it is now under the Bengal rule destroyed by mismanagement and neglect to become the denseliest populated hill station on the globe, with its multifarious environmental degraded impacts considered unmanageable to reverse the process. Respectively similar is the situational aspects of the entire Darjeeling hills. The Bengali masters are bad managers as far as Darjeeling hills are concerned. This point has been conspicuous since the first memorandum demanding a separate unit for Darjeeling hills outside Bengal was presented to the British rulers in 1907. It is seen in history the demand was not to detach the Darjeeling hills from mainstream India and British rule but detachment from provincial Bengal.

From various references to the history of Darjeeling it is suspected that even the British subtly instigated to free the Darjeeling hill people from the yoke of Bengal. They were however unsuccessful in this attempt as the former had a larger stake in West Bengal and rest of India, and for which the hands of Bengal was necessary in delivering their other goals. The Union govt. is facing the same predicament faced by the British. Doubtless, the rulers in Bengal may have sympathetic attitude to the Darjeeling hill peoples demand for a separate state, but Bengal’s vote bank in Parliament is seen to dilute the formers sympathetic intent as well as providing genuine and democratic concerns related to the Darjeeling hills.

While addressing the Gorkhaland demand the GJMM representatives must take into all considerations at face value and not base their arguments on wide flights of fancy. This is not at all like speaking against the 6th Schedule and stopping this Bill from passing in Parliament. In this case the amended 6th Schedule was so much tampered from the original 6th Schedule that the original 6th Schedule states and districts well could have filed a legal representation to bring about a statues-quo in order to preserve the contents of the original 6th Schedule (specific to dominant tribal areas) such as the Darjeeling hills, but the tribal face has been marginalized by the Bengal govt. disallowing the other Gorkha communities under the provision. However, there are many Gorkha tribals whose petitions are awaiting in the office of the Registrar General of India (as well as the application from the State of Sikkim) awaiting final approval and grant. Both in Sikkim and Darjeeling hills the following Gorkha communities are in line for tribal status, Khambuas (Rais), Gurungs, Magars, Newars, Bhujels and others. This is a ground reality the representative in Delhi must take into consideration while arguing for Gorkhaland State, which require to be specifically termed as such.                          
 
It is advisable only to stress the Gorkhaland issue related to West Bengal without implication or reference of the Nepali/Gorkha population. This will weaken the argument firstly, there is no documental evidence to prove the large quantum of Gorkha population numbering above the Govt. of India Census (2001: Nepali speakers 28,71,749) consisting of Nepali, Bhutia, Lepcha and Sherpa.

The Census before that (1991) indicated the figures under the same head at 20,76,645. So, stating figure of Nepali Gorkha population above the Census figures would tantamount to contradiction of improper Government information which is very difficult to amend at this stage. Secondly, introducing the population of Nepalis/Gorkhas above 1.25 crores (GJMM figures) or 2 crores (Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh[BGP]figures) would tantamount to unwanted controversy which is potentially inherent to conclude that any figure above the 2001 Census 28,71,749 will allow the government to suggest the surplus figure as ethnic Nepali nationals inhabiting the country doubtless under the free transit conditionality between the two countries under Indo Nepal Treaty of 1950. This submission may not have any adverse impact on the general population whether Nepali foreigners or ethnic Nepali Indians, but, it is indicated to disturb a hornet’s nest in respect of the Indo Nepal Treaty of 1950 which situation Govt. of India hesitates to reopen. Whereas conversely, the present Maoist Prime Minister of Nepal, Prachanda is only waiting for a moment to throw his volleys at India to abrogate the 1950 Treaty, for the simple reason the free passportless movement of nationals of either country is seen to disadvantage the smaller country Nepal than its gigantic neighbour India. Nepal has every reason to believe the migration of ethnic Indian into Nepal territory under the provision of the 1950 Treaty is directly and adversely affecting the very status of Nepal’s sovereignty.

Darjeeling district is also facing the same threat from foreign immigrants from neighboring Bangladesh. This situation too is a reality to be petitioned to the State and Central Govts. as the migrating population has practically changed the socio-political equation of the district and the adjoining plains of Duars. Even as of the moment it was clearly expressed by Dr. Mahendra P.Lama while delivering his presentation in a Symposium 10th Aug 2008 Kalimpong, held by Darjeeling District and Dooars Intellectual Forum argument for smaller states and strong federal structure – role of Gorkhaland, that, the leaders of the Gorkhaland movement while demanding the state must be prepared to accept even Ashok Bhattacharjee (West Bengal Minister for Urban development) as the Chief Minister of Gorkhaland. The imbalance in population created by Bengali immigrants and the large CPM vote bank in Siliguri subdivision and town indicates not the probability but the very possibility. Ashok Bhattacharjee surely is already bloating over this possibility. As Bimal Gurung has always defined his post receiving Gorkhaland surely will not aspire for the Deputy Chief Ministership as he has already expressed his aversion to join the government in any form but like Gandhi moving around supported by his stick overseeing that the politicians and the administration are performing their duties for better governance which the hill people deserve but have not tasted the fruits of the labour past 100 years or more to slave under tea and cinchona plantations and tillers of the soil without any space for better times ahead.