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Poll: 4th Tripartite Meeting
During the 4th Tripartite Talk, GJMM has been immensely pressurized to focus only on the creation of Gorkhaland, besides, the conclusion of the Meeting seems to be only TALK on POLITICAL LEVEL in next round. Do you think 4th Tripartite Talk has been successful?
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RETHINKING GORKHA IDENTITY: By Bidhan Golay

By Readers' Feedback on September 12,2008

image
Peace and Democracy in South Asia, Volume 2, Numbers 1 & 2, 2006.

RETHINKING GORKHA IDENTITY: OUTSIDE THE
IMPERIUM OF DISCOURSE, HEGEMONY, AND HISTORY

BIDHAN GOLAY

ABSTRACT

The primary focus of the paper is the study of the colonial construction of the Gorkha identity and its later day crisis. Taking the colonial encounter as the historic moment of its evolution, the paper makes an attempt to map the formation of the Gorkha identity over the last two hundred years or so by locating the process of formation within the colonial public sphere that emerged in Darjeeling in the early part of the twentieth century. The paper tries to cast new light on the nature of contestation and conflation between the colonial identity or the martial identity inscribed on the body of the Gorkha by the colonial discourse of “martial race” and the cultural identity that was emerging in course of time. It also tries to establish the fact that the colonial forms of representation of the “Gurkhas” as the “martial race” is still the dominant form of representation foreclosing all other forms of representation that had become possible as a new self-identity emerged with the cultural renaissance in Darjeeling and elsewhere. It also looks into the problem of double consciousness of the deterritorialised Gorkha subjectivity that is torn between two seemingly conflictual impulses of a primordially constructed notion of the Gorkha jati (community) and the demands of a modern nation-state. The paper also argues that the Gorkha identity has somewhat failed in securing a political space for its cultural identity leading to deep fissures in its multi layered identity.
 
“Critique is the movement by which the subject gives itself the right to question truth on its effects of power and to question power on its discourses of truth…in a word, the politics of truth.”
Michel Foucault

Introduction


The phase we are living in is one of the most crucial in human history. It is a phase marked by contradictions and confusions, and a phase that is increasingly characterised by the interplay of two seemingly opposing and yet complementary forces of essentialism and hybridity. At one end of the continuum is a growing tendency in global political and economic forces towards greater integration - one that is stoked by the continual movement of people and their cultural baggage across the boundaries of nation-states, throwing up new forms of trans-national practices, locations, solidarities, and institutions that do not strictly conform to the demands and logic of the nation-state. In fact, theorists like Arjun Appadurai have already written obituaries of the nation-state.1 At the other end of the same continuum, still newer forms of micro politics have secured moral legitimation, marking a distinctive shift towards the fragmentation of the cultural landscape.2
 
In the backdrop of this, the question of identity has saddled itself firmly at the centre stage of both academic and political debates. The argument in essence is that the old identities that had stabilised the social world for so long are in decline, giving rise to new identities and fragmenting the modern individual as a unified subject. The ‘crisis of identity’ is now increasingly seen as a part of a wider process of change which is dislocating the central structures and processes of modern societies and undermining the framework which had until now given the individual a stable anchorage in the social world.3 In the rarefied terrain of academics we are witnessing debates that raise significant questions about the very legitimacy of the fundamental axioms of enlightenment and the way ‘history’ has been conceptualised as an irreversible process of modernity. With this movement, the earlier notion of a universal human subject has come under serious attack and the notion of a ‘decentered subject’ seems to be acquiring greater salience in academic parlance.


1 Arjun Appadurai, “Patriotism and Its Futures”, in his Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalisation, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1997, pp. 158-177.

2 Yogendra Singh, “A Life-World of Disenchantment: Modernity, Ethnicity and Pluralism”, in Sociological Bulletin, Vol.4, No.2. September 1998, pp. 155-165.
 
3 Stuart Hall, “The Question of Cultural Identity”, in Stuart Hall, David Hall, et. al. (ed.) Modernity and Its Futures, Polity Press, in association with Open University, 1992, p. 275.
 
It is in such an academic climate that this paper will try to understand the emergence and formation of the Gorkha4/Nepali identity in India spanning a period of over two hundred years and its continuing crisis. The crisis of identity is nothing new to the Gorkhas in India. It was co-opted together with the people as they were introduced to ‘Civilisation’ and ‘History’. And with the passing of time it has only become that much more convoluted and complex. At a much deeper level, the problem of identity is in fact the problem of modernity. One of the most enduring and lasting features of modernity is the necessity of all modern subjects to organise themselves around the normative idea of nation.5 The modern identities circumscribed as they are by the symbolic boundaries of the nation are mediated by the complex discursive structures of national culture and national identity. In such a situation the problem of Gorkha identity cannot be understood in isolation. The need here is to locate it within the complex matrix of nation, space, territory, culture, race, and history. It is by understanding the nature and dynamics of the discursive formations of these structures that our effort to deconstruct the Gorkha identity may come to fruition. This paper in that sense is a preliminary attempt to theorise the Gorkha identity by locating it in these discursive structures. In what follows, I will make a modest attempt to contextualise the emergence of Gorkha identity in nineteenth


4 The word `Gorkha’ comes from the small principality (now a district) in Nepal by the same name. The kingdom of Gorkha was established by Drabya Shah in 1559. It is located 40 miles west of Kathmandu. The names `Gorkha’ and `Nepali’ are used interchangeably in India although political movements at different times have favoured the use of the word Gorkha over Nepali in order to differentiate between the citizens of Nepal and India. T B Subba has devised an ingenious way differentiating them. He spells the citizens of Nepal as “Nepalese”, and the Nepali speaking Indians as “Nepalis”. See his, Ethnicity, State and Development: A Case Study of the Gorkhaland Movement, Vikas, New Delhi, 1992, pp. 67-74.

5 Dipesh Chakrabarty argues that European imperialism and third world nationalism have together achieved the universalisation of the nation-state as the most desirable form of political community. See his “Postcoloniality and the Artifice of History: Who Speaks for the Indian Past?” in Padmini Mongia (ed.), Contemporary Postcolonial Theory: A Reader, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1997, p. 240.


century colonial India, tracing its origins in the British colonial discourse particularly in their ethnographical writings on “martial race”. Taking the colonial encounter as the historical moment of its evolution, the paper will try to map the formation of the Gorkha identity through an inter-textual discourse study within the context of the colonial public sphere and the liberal nationalist historiography of colonial India. Further, I shall argue that the problem of Gorkha identity exits at two levels. One, the very idea of Gorkha identity is inscribed on the body of the individual Gorkha by the colonial discourse. At another level, the historical experience of the Gorkha creates a sense of a deterritorialised Gorkha subjectivity, torn between two seemingly conflictual impulses of a primordially constructed notion of Gorkha jati (community) and the demands of a modern nation-state.

The poverty of academic research and the question of Gorkha identity


The ‘life-world’ of the Gorkhas in India is located both literally and figuratively on the margins of the imagined nation. This ‘marginality’ is not merely a location but a byword for the oppressed and dispossessed. It is characterised by the dispossession of narratives, the cannibalistic appropriation and the continuing colonisation of their epistemological grid. For the most part, it occupies a peripheral location in relation to the metropolitan academic research. It remains an under-researched terrain, in which the standards of the scholarship emerging from these locations struggle to measure up to the standards set by the `mainstream’ academia, which on its part forms a peripheral location vis-a-vis the metropolitan academia. The Gorkhas who were historically subjected to the Orientalist gaze of colonial humanist anthropology continues to remain the subject of discourse. From such a standpoint, the academic discourses on the problem of Gorkha identity, emerging both from within and without appears skewed and stifled by the disciplinary contours of traditional methods of social enquiry. Their narratives revolve around the idea of the Gorkhas as an exclusive ethnic group juxtaposed with the liberal nationalist imagination of the Indian nation. There does exists some commendable works on identity formation, particularly the importance they have laid on collective memory of home and the experience of migration, and the changing structure of caste and village settlements.6 However, a comprehensive study of the contributions of social and cultural movements in Darjeeling and elsewhere towards the formation of a distinct Gorkha identity still eludes us. What is clear in these scholarships and other forms of utterances, especially the ones that have come from within, is the evidence of the fundamental fissures that are located in the interstices of the subjectivity of the Gorkha. Barring a handful of works which can be called insurrectionary, majority of these tend to revolve around the celebration of the famed “bravery” of the “Gurkhas”.7 Girdled by the colonial constraints of valour and its validation, the Gorkha subject appears ambivalent towards colonialism. Colonialism is often understood in a periodic sense rather than a well-defined set of discursive practices outliving the formal end of the more brutal forms of rule.

What is completely missed out here is the reality of the continuing discursive colonisation of the Gorkha identity. Similar is the case with the studies on the more recent movements of the Gorkhas for statehood. There is a marked tendency in these works to explain it away as stemming from economic causes like relative deprivation or internal colonialism - one that informs the paternalistic policies of the Indian state - or it is simply pitched as a case of ethnic exclusivism and “separatism”. Both forms of scholarship suffer from reductionism. Either it is an instrumentalist understanding of the problem, or worse still, it is about constructing an identity in the most essentialist image. The missing link in both these genres of works is colonialism. It is not as if these interpretative gestures and exercises have ignored the colonial history, but where they have failed is in the diachronic


6 On the factor of migration and memory, see Kumar Pradhan’s Pahilo Pahar, Shyam Prakashan, Darjeeling, 1982. On the changing nature of caste structure, see T B Subba’s, “Caste Relations in Nepal and India”, in Social Change, Vol.15, No.4, December 1985, pp. 23-26.


7 In Western writings, the word Gorkha is spelt as “Gurkha” or “Goorkha”.


comprehension of the colonial primaries of the Gorkha identityformation. We shall return to discuss all these, particularly the relations of power as it is reflected in our historiography and nationalist imagination, a little later.

Identities are as much self-constructed as it is constructed by the other. In that sense there appears a fundamental difference in the manner in which the Gorkha identity or the Gorkha ‘jati’ is imagined by the ‘self’, and the way the Gorkha identity is conceptualised in the metropolitan as well as in the `mainstream’ Indian academic discourses. There appears a significant gap in the meanings of the word jati. Even while admitting that the word jati
is a loose term that allows a wide array of meanings within its semantic field, Gorkha jati in the culturally specific sense signifies a cultural identity, expressed through imageries and symbols derived from its composite culture.8 The Indian `mainstream’ academic discourses in their turn have merely derived from the metropolitan academia. Since the `mainstream’ academia looks at the peripheral identities and their narratives through the Western
lenses, it takes a derivative form.9

 

 

http://www.thdl.org/texts/reprints/pdsa/pdsa_02_01_02.pdf

(Please download from above link to complete the document)

 


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comment Comments (11 posted)
  • image The Darjeeling hills, Dooars, 'our lands' made us the Gorkhas, the British, the army, (British and also Indian) made us Gorkhas. The tea estates, these hills and the valleys, brought us together, made us live together, gave us an identity that we are proud of, 'Gurkha'; earned respect as a brave race, fought wars, conquered. The freer air in the region of this 'Gorkhaland' helped to shape our identity, our ancient cultures, very much refined, very much developed got further refined, further enriched, broadened and has flourished in these places. The cultural, politicall centre of the Gorkhas is the one and only Darjeeling, haven't heard of another. When we dream, we dream of the place, when we die we want to rest there. The mention of the name 'Darjeeling' brings sweet smiles in our face. It's the place we call our own. So, it is the place and us, and our identity is tied to the place. Liberation from the bondage of Bengal, we have to achieve
    (Posted by polo, January 4, 2010, 2:27 PM)
  • image Cut-off this academic garbage.
    (Posted by pravesh, September 21, 2008, 3:47 PM)
  • image Dear Dipika, u are the one who is bringing about the identity change..yes today u will be thought of as a "lady who works in beauty parlor or a man who works in eateries" for being Nepali , dont be ashamed of that.go n find the job u have been looking for ,work hard prove, yourself and live a dignified life, if u set an example,tomorrow when somebody else goes out looking for a job , they will be thought of as "Dipika" and not some parlor worker. believe me i too faced the same problem.
    (Posted by admirer, September 19, 2008, 2:34 PM)
  • image Mr Goley please you keep your articles aside for the time being. We need our own identity. You might have notice how minority Tamil has been targeted in Malaysia. What is the guaranty that such things will not happens with us in Bengal? Don’t aggravate hill people much on such critical issues. Rather harping on such things you give more emphasis to educational pattern. As we are facing lots of problems when we come out of Darjeeling to work and earn our bread. It’s very sad when you try to tell “I am Nepali or Gorkha people out side Bengal think us as a lady who works in beauty parlor or a man who works in eateries please if you want to do something, then change our that identity
    (Posted by dipika D, September 17, 2008, 4:45 PM)
  • image Great works on History/Identity of Gorkha and Gorkhaland by our dormant scholars...everywhere. Thank you all (scholars) for updating all hill people with such untold history. To speak the truth if we were/was an aboriginal inhabitan of this place and not migrated than why do we need to see towards Nepal for our culture,Language,dress, food habit et al. Why not we try and develope our own style of language(Grammer), writing talking and sets of culture, like the American and British English..like the Bengali of Indian origin and Bangladesh..like the Muslim of India and Pakistan so that we may place our self different than the Nepalese. Otherwise the bad stigma of ABCD shall remain for ever even if Gorkhaland proves to be real. My dear scholars did you ever tried to find out who is the victim of ABCD? Ofcourse not everyone (Gorkha). Gorkha who have flourish in particular field no longer called Nepalese..they are Indian. So why not try and encourage and help our gen-next to come forward and rule in every field. This shall automatically terminate the stigma of ABCD. So instead of writing and speaking high funds...why not try from today to re-build our own society and produce large nos. of IAS,IPS, Doctor,Engineer, IT, etc so that we formulate policy for India..Gorkhaland becomes minor then.
    (Posted by citizen, September 14, 2008, 10:33 AM)
  • image Mr.Golay’s scholarly article is a sad example of an opportunist who wants to shine on appropriate time and place. He reflects his knowledge of socio-political jargons and tries to manipulate the strong cultural beliefs and proud heritage of entire Gorkhalis. Unfortunately, this article is reflective of his ignorance and cowardly approach to twist a naturally ethnocentric socio-political movement for Gorkhaland. It is further painful to understand his sold out soul from the ideological heat of NBU. In one hand, majority of Gorkhalis are supporting an end to never ending exploitation and struggling for “Gorkhaland” for better or worst, and on the other hand people like Mr.Golay are indiscriminately siding with the Machiavellian principle of “greater good for greater number”, by stomping on their own minority Gorkhalis with unbelievably complicated socio-political theories of their own. After all, Mr. Golay is an opportunist with few complicated jargons in his brain, but sadly he forgets to understand the importance of his own identity and importance and clings in the hope of assimilation and mutual harmony. For your information Mr. Golay, even in today’s “crucial time” people tends to unite for their identity mostly based upon cultural and ethnicity. For example, Israel after WWII was created by Jews, and after the collapse of U.S.S.R. creation of Armenia for Armenians, Georgia for Georgians, Kazakhstan for Kazaks, and don’t forget your Tibetan brothers and sisters who are still looking for a free Tibet. Hence, it seems like Mr. Golay has forgotten to look on the other side of ethnographic study and understand his own Gorkhalis for Gorkhaland and portrayed this legitimate struggle as unnecessary and he tries to coordinate a hand-in-hand concert singing “Kumba ya” between West Bengal (Bengalis) and Gorkhalis in Kurta and Dhotis in the open grounds of NBU. No thank you Mr.Golay! First you have to learn how to wear Nepali Daura Surual and respect your brave ancestors, by whom you are known in the world and you may have to learn to “revolve around the celebration of the famed “bravery” of the “Gurkhas”. No offence to your intellectual ability to write.
    (Posted by Daniel R.Chamling, September 14, 2008, 8:23 AM)
  • image Bidhan ale, Somehow, in this context, we can also look at the word "lahuray" which originated from those going to Lahore for military enlistment during the British raj. The word Gorkha, as we use it today in the hills, thus, does not necessarily mean we are from Gorkha. It is more of symbolic for the entire community today than anything else. In any case, I'm glad to see more academicians come to participate in the debate. Give my regards to Prof. Mohan P. Dahal who I believe should come out of the in-laws cocoon or shadow and come to the fore openly in support of Gorkhaland. I believe that is what his heart says. Anyway, do keep on writing such articles. We need all kinds of "khuraks" inlcuding the academic and intellectual "Khuraks". Gorkhaland is within our reach if we all get united and handle it well.
    (Posted by Dhirman Molay, September 13, 2008, 10:37 PM)
  • image We want GORKHALAND....bhaneko..essentially...
    (Posted by DAWA, September 13, 2008, 3:33 PM)
  • image Alik Intellectual Over Dose Bhako jastio Chha... Khai Bhan nu Khojeko Chai K??? Hami Chai Martial race.. which is an abstract context.. formulated by the Brits to divide and rule India Bhaneko ki K??? J Sukai Hos.. Mailey Na Bujey Pani... Heavy Lekhda Raicha Hai Mora Ley... Jai Gorkhaland....
    (Posted by Heavy dose, September 13, 2008, 8:07 AM)
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